Can Baydarol
If the Russia-Ukraine war does not end in peace as claimed, it will enter its fourth year in February next year. The 28-point peace plan imposed on Zelensky by the US, even if reduced to 22 points, still does not show the light at the end of the tunnel. Russia’s attacks on Kyiv and Ukraine’s attacks on Russia’s strategic points continue unabated. So, do EU countries believe in the future of peace? Finally, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen expressed her distrust of Moscow, stating, ‘We will increase pressure on Moscow until a sincere desire for progress emerges.’ Von der Leyen also emphasised that Ukraine’s security and interests are an integral part of the EU’s security and interests.
Yes, distrust of Russia is at an all-time high in the EU. The implementation of the peace plan put forward by US President Trump essentially means that Putin will get what he wants by force. The EU is concerned that Putin will not stop at this point and will continue until he regains the old Soviet borders. From another perspective, the continuation of the Russia-Ukraine war until the EU gathers the necessary strength suits the EU.
While uncertainties surrounding the war in the north persist, isn’t the visit of the British Prime Minister and the German Chancellor to Ankara, particularly to pave the way for the sale of Eurofighter aircraft to Turkey, indicative of the EU’s concerns about Russia? As far as we understand, ensuring that Russia’s southern front is not weakened in the event of a potential conflict is one of the objectives of the EU’s new medium- and long-term security strategy.
Does the fact that the F-35s, which we understand to be much more advanced and which were gladly given to Saudi Arabia by the Trump administration, are not being given to Turkey, indicate that the US and the EU are acting outside the classic Transatlantic alliance? Does this not raise the question, ‘How much can we trust the US and the EU, especially when the US is establishing itself in Greece as if to intimidate Turkey?’
Let us elaborate a little more on our distrust of the EU. The EU, which plans to invest €800 billion in the defence industry over the next five years, primarily in Germany, due to well-known security concerns, has also developed a €150 billion ‘SAFE’ programme for members of the Western alliance outside the EU. So, where do we stand in this programme? The veto by Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, behind which the EU’s major countries hide their excuses every time, was naturally not long in coming. If they are so concerned about their own security, especially Germany and France, they must learn to put a stop to these spoiled children.
If we are so important for the security of the EU, how will we establish a network of relations with the EU at the cost of antagonising Russia? What we understood from the German Chancellor’s visit to Ankara was that ‘we want to see you in the EU, but only if you comply with the 1993 Copenhagen criteria!’ President Erdoğan’s response, ‘we have our Ankara criteria!’ is clear proof that full membership cannot be revived under the current conditions. Well, neither do they want us, nor do we want them. Mutual distrust, or ‘insincerity’ as von der Leyen put it, continues.
Let’s move on to our southern front. Do you believe the Hamas-Israel conflict will end? As the Middle East map is being redrawn, does a structure that will preserve Syria’s territorial integrity seem convincing to you?
So, while all this is happening on the south-eastern front, do you think the peace process or a terror-free Turkey, as proposed by MHP leader Bahçeli, can be successful? Do you think the visit to Imrali, which even Mr Erdoğan, perhaps because he cannot trust it, has avoided taking ownership of, can contribute to a solution? What does choosing Öcalan over Demirtaş for a solution mean? Is identity-based politics the destiny of this region?
Many questions can be asked. Amidst all this, my greatest fear is losing my self-confidence.
Take care.